Mark D. White

Writer, editor, teacher

  • Mark D. White

    Carl Bialik at The Wall Street Journal has an article in today's edition and a blog post from last night, both very evenhanded, about the attempts by governments to measure the happiness of its citizenry, and the skepticism of some regarding the efficacy of this.

    For a critical look at the theory behind happiness studies, I would recommend Dan Hausman's article "Hedonism and Welfare Economics" from Economics and Philosophy, 26(3), November 2010.

    I have two significant problems with governments purporting to measure happiness (which are similar to my problems with libertarian paternalism), which I hope to explore at length elsewhere.

    1) Happiness is too vague a notion, and multifaceted a concept, to be measured with any degree of accuracy, and any instrument that is developed to do so will inevitably reflect the policy preferences of the parties doing the measuring.

    2) It is grossly inappropriate for governments to base any policy decisions on what it thinks makes its people "happy" (or wealthy or wise), when what they should do is enable (and respect) the widest range of choices the people can make in their own interests (to whatever extent these interests include happiness). It is not up to the government to decide that we should be "happy" (especially according to some artificial and contrived definition), nor to take measures to get us there.

    (See also this older post of mine at Psychology Today, making a similar point about happiness, but in the context of personal happiness and positive psychology rather than political theory.)

  • Mark D. White

    The topic of today's "Room for Debate" feature at The New York Times is inequality, prompted by a recent paper by Mike I. Norton and Dan Ariely that shows a large number of Americans would prefer to live in a society with a more equitable distribution of wealth (like Sweden). Norton himself starts the discussion, followed by Tyler Cowen, and then five other notable figures.

    Norton's point in the debate (and, to a lesser extent, in the paper with Ariely) is that Americans underestimate the degree of wealth inequality in the US, lulled into a false sense of security by easy credit (which ended several years ago) and unrealistic beliefs in social mobility (according to the authors), and therefore oppose policies such as redistributive taxation that would lessen the gap between rich and poor.

    Cowen offers some alternative explanations for the survey results, such as that people don't compare their well-being to Bill Gates and Michael Bloomberg, but instead to their neighbors and peers, so they don't grasp the full extent of wealth inequality. Also, many people who aren't at the top of the scale nonetheless live very well, so they aren't concerned as much with how they compare to the super-rich (and they likely compare very well to the superrich of previous generations in terms of standard of living). He comes close to the real issue when he says that people distinguish between earned and unearned wealth rather than simple, raw numbers, and some people realize that they have not earned the higher standard of living that innovators like Mark Zuckerberg have). In other words, it is not the simple fact that the wealthy earn more, but a sense that they don't deserve it, that drives envy and resentment.

    And this leads to the real issue with inequality, which is completely glossed over in Norton and Ariely's paper and Norton's commentary in the Times. It is not the pattern of wealth distribution that people care about, but the process by which it results. Fine, the wealthy have more–but did they earn it? Was the game rigged? Or did they compete fair and square? Any opinion on this is valid, and good arguments have been made on both sides, but this is the real issue with inequality: process, not outcomes.

    At the end of his piece at the Times, Norton says:

    My colleagues and I are now exploring whether educating Americans about the current level of wealth inequality (by showing them charts and pictures) might increase their support for policies that reduce this inequality. In addition, we are assessing whether different forms of redistribution – for example, raising the minimum wage, or longer term interventions like reducing disparities in education – are less likely to evoke heated opposition, and perhaps increase advocacy for greater wealth equality.

    But even if people do recognize the true nature of wealth inequality, that does not imply that they will automatically support redistribution, which changes the end result without addressing the core problem with the process that generates it. Raising the minimum wage is redistribution, but reforming education is process reform; this difference needs to be appreciated. People may believe the system is unfair, but they may believe that increasing the progressivity of the income tax (for example) is unfair also, even if it might reduce wealth inequality. They want an even playing field, not one riddled with redistributional wankery. (We already have the U.S. income tax code, thank you very much.)

    To put it simply, people want a fair system, which will generate (by implication) fair results. (Note that I haven't specified what system people "should" think is fair–mine is a more general point, and is open to many different interpretations regarding what is fair and is the U.S. there.) It is irrelevant whether people favor the current pattern of wealth distribution–do they think the process is fair? If they don't, that is what they will want to change. And if they do think it's fair, that would explain their reticence to introduce policies that limit its operation, regardless of the inequity of the results.

  • DD1 Just announced at C2E2 (and anticipated by Rich Johnston), Mark Waid will helm the relaunched Daredevil title, joined by artists Paolo Rivera and Marcos Martin. Read the story at Marvel.com for more details–interestingly, Waid wants to amp up the superheroing (presumably compared to Bendis' epic run as well as Brubaker's, both emphasizing the crime aspect of Daredevil's world as well as his life as Matt Murdock). [UPDATED with link to a Newsarama interview with Waid, here.]

    Waid gets very existential in this passage from the news story:

    Matt's a man who desperately needs the order of law to give him the illusion that complex things that seem out of control—including, say, his life—can make sense. Matt's a man who wants justice for others because there's still a small but flickering flame in him that, while he's made his peace with it, knows how unjust it was that a young boy lost his sight just because he tried to help an old man across the street one day. Matt's a man who wants to believe that there's a purpose to everything in the universe, including the freak accident that changed him as a child; because if there's not a purpose and unity to it all, if everything really is random and unconnected, then that way lies madness and bitterness.

    I'm definitely looking forward to this–Daredevil was my entry point into the Marvel world, and still a sentimental favorite.

  • With a tip o’ the hat to Daniel Hawes, I bring you this article by Kyle Munkittrick on transhumanism (human enhancement) with examples drawn from the “prime” Avengers–Captain America, Iron Man, and Thor–plus the Hulk. I would take issue with some of the author’s descriptions of the four characters–especially the Big Three–but he makes some excellent points about hopes and fears reagrding human enhancement.

    From the introduction:

    Transhumanism is a big, complicated, sprawling idea. The central concept – that humans can be made better with technology – touches on a lot of hopes and fears about the future of humanity. Though I’m always going on about how great human enhancement could be, I’ve got my fair share of fears myself. But my fears are probably way different than many of your fears. But how in the world can we represent those concerns? As it turns out, I’ve found a pretty good set of archetypes that represent our hopes and fears: Marvel Comic’s [sic] Avengers.

    How we frame scientific progress changes how we see individual technologies. When we think about science changing people, our minds naturally go to that group of individuals constantly being bombarded by gamma radiation, genetic mutagens, cybernetic interventions, and biological acceleration. I’m talking, of course, about superheroes. Superheroes are modern mythology. And because of that, they make great metaphors for understanding big issues. With The Avengers movie officially announced, I can’t help but notice that the four main members* of Earth’s Mightiest Heroes – Thor, the Hulk, Captain America, and Iron Man – are great examples of the different ways different people understand (or misunderstand) enhancement. Respectively, they are The God, The Monster, The Soldier, and The Robot.

    Now, in the case of the Avengers, I don’t mean that they each represent a kind of enhancement, like cognitive enhancing pharmaceuticals or genetic engineering for athleticism. I am talking about the mindset people have around enhancement. Will transhumanism make people into monsters or Gods? Is science on the right track or out of control? The Avengers represent how you think enhancement works. Not only that, each Avenger symbolizes the hopes, fears, and problems enhancement may have. Whatever your dreams or nightmares about enhancement are, at least one member of Marvel’s wonder team has got you covered. So which Avenger represents you?

  • Mark D. White

    Ilya Shapiro at the CATO Institute brings yet more tragic news of eminent domain abuse in his latest CATO @ Liberty blog post – please read it, and make sure to read his earlier material on eminent domain linked in the piece.

    Despite what the Supreme Court decided in Kelo, this cannot what eminent domain was intended to do. As Justice O'Connor said in her Kelo dissent:

    Any property may now be taken for the benefit of another private party, but the fallout from this decision will not be random. The beneficiaries are likely to be those citizens with disproportionate influence and power in the political process, including large corporations and development firms. As for the victims, the government now has license to transfer property from those with fewer resources to those with more. (p. 2677)

    This is the danger of enshrining Kaldor-Hicks efficiency (raw cost-benefit analysis), with no consideration of rights or dignity, as the sole basis for public policy, as I discuss in chapter 4 of Kantian Ethics and Economics.

    (For more on Kelo, I recommend the following papers: Ilya Somin, “Controlling the Grasping Hand: Economic Development Takings After Kelo,” Supreme Court Economic Review 15 (2007): 183–271, and Richard Epstein, “Public Use in a Post-Kelo World,” Supreme Court Economic Review 17 (2009), 151–71.)

  • Mark D. White

    David Brooks has a fascinating article on new research on human nature in today's New York Times (a condensation, of sorts, of his wonderfully written piece in The New Yorker in January–and, apparently, his new book, The Social Animal: The Hidden Sources of Love, Character, and Achievement, which was reviewed recently in The Wall Street Journal). He shares the opinion of many of us here at this blog that most conceptions of human nature and choice in the social sciences are misguided, which inevitably leads to policy failures when people do not act like the policymakers expected them to act. As Brooks writes in the Times piece, "Many of our public policies are proposed by experts who are comfortable only with correlations that can be measured, appropriated and quantified, and ignore everything else." Exactly.

    His preferred remedies for this shortcoming, however, I find more questionable. He goes on to say:

    Yet while we are trapped within this amputated view of human nature, a richer and deeper view is coming back into view. It is being brought to us by researchers across an array of diverse fields: neuroscience, psychology, sociology, behavioral economics and so on.

    This growing, dispersed body of research reminds us of a few key insights. First, the unconscious parts of the mind are most of the mind, where many of the most impressive feats of thinking take place. Second, emotion is not opposed to reason; our emotions assign value to things and are the basis of reason. Finally, we are not individuals who form relationships. We are social animals, deeply interpenetrated with one another, who emerge out of relationships.

    The first insight, the power of the unconscious mind, I believe is unquestionable. The second insight I agree with in spirit, though I would quibble over the precise relationship of emotion and reason (as Jonathan and I have done on this blog in terms of Adam Smith–whom Brooks alludes to, and Jonathan discusses here–and Immanuel Kant). But the third insight I very much disgree with, as I discuss in chapter 3 of my book, Kantian Ethics and Economics: Autonomy, Dignity, and Character, published next month by Stanford University Press (a summary of which I presented at the recent Eastern Economic Association meetings in New York).

    In that chapter, I make the case that a person is best regarded as individual in essence, social in orientation. As Christine Korsgaard writes in the first line of her book Self-Constitution: Agency, Identity, and Integrity, "Human beings are condemned to choice and action." Since each person's faculty of choice–however you choose to model or represent it–is her own, she is essentially individual. This does not mean, as most mainstream economists implicitly assume and most heterodox economists fear, that a person does not, or can not, take external influences and concerns into account. A person's thought processes, by necessity, are atomistic–they happen inside her head, after all, and no one else's–but the substance of those thoughts are not. And Kantian autonomy implies both: the capacity for independent thought and the responsibility to be social, that is, to take other people's needs and wants into account.

    So contrary to Mr. Brooks' argument, we do not emerge out of our relationships, nor are we not defined by them. Instead we choose or endorse them in the process of what Korsgaard calls self-constitution, creating the persons we want to be, based on what I call character, compromised of judgment and will. Although we have little control over our social world when we are young, upon reaching maturity we are responsible to choose, manage, and reject our social networks, by reflecting on what they imply about who we are and who we want to be.

    As I write in my book (pp. 101-102), with respect to a person's social network:

    To be sure, social roles, links, and responsibilities also enter into this deliberative self-constituting process, and as with other experiences and choices, the agent is not a passive subject of her social identities. As Korsgaard writes,

    you are a human being, a woman or a man, an adherent of a certain religion, a member of an ethnic group, a member of a certain profession, someone’s lover or friend, and so on. And all of these identities give rise to reasons and obligations. Your reasons express your identity, your nature; your obligations spring from what that identity forbids. (Korsgaard, The Sources of Normativity, p. 101)

    But before these identities can become a part of an agent’s practical identity, her sense of self (or character) from which she acts, she must take an active role in endorsing these roles by choosing what groups to join, what people to associate with, and what social responsibilities to assume. Even the aspects of your social identity you are born into—being a child of your parents, a member of your community, a citizen of your nation—must be endorsed by you before they become part of you and reasons on which you can act autonomously. However the social identities come about, they “remain contingent in this sense: whether you treat them as a source of reasons and obligations is up to you. If you continue to endorse the reasons the identity presents to you, and observe the obligations it imposes on you, then it’s you” (Korsgaard, Self-Constitution, p. 23). So like preferences, social identities, along with their constituent roles and responsibilities, are subject to the endorsement of an agent’s judgment based on the moral law; as important as those features are to the agent’s life, they are nonetheless secondary to her character.

    So I believe Brooks sets up a false dichotomy: the choice is not between being an isolated individual and a social animal. We are essentially individuals but we necessarily operate in a social world, which in turns affects and influences us, but only to extent to which we allow it to.

  • AvAcad10 Wow, I thought Christos Gage was just kidding when he had Hank Pym mention Superhuman Ethics Class in Avengers Academy #8 (noted here), but he was serious: in this week's Avengers Academy #10–pencilled by the incomprable Sean Chen, by the way–class is in session! And how do our students (and teachers) do? Let's see…

    — SPOILERS BELOW THE FOLD —

    (more…)

  • In a Comic Book Resources interview previewing his upcoming run  on Batman and Robin, featuring the return of Jason Todd (the Red Hood), Judd Winick is asked about writing Dick Grayson in costume as Batman:

    Newsarama: In your head, is Dick Grayson as Batman a different character than Dick Grayson as Nightwing?

    Winick: Oh yeah. It's how he presents himself. When he puts on the Batman costume he’s Batman, he’s not Nightwing, he’s not Dick Grayson. He is representing the persona of Batman. It’s the whole thing, and people can debate this but I believe it, that Bruce Wayne is the mask and Batman is the real person. That’s how I choose to look at Batman. Dick Grayson is not that at all. Dick is first a person; he has a life, and Batman is not only a persona he puts on, it’s actually Bruce’s persona. He is maintaining the legend. Yes, some of his own nuances will be coming out here and there, but for the most part? Batman is a costume he puts on, and always remembers that.

    I agree completely, which is why I can not accept Dick as the Batman, and I long for the day that he returns to his own distinct identity, whether as Nightwing or something else. (Same for Bucky as Captain America, which I've said before.)

    While I'm here, let me just add that I love the way Judd Winick writes Dick Grayson, both as Batman and Nightwing (including as leader of the Outsiders). We are lucky to have had many writers finally get him right, including Peter Tomasi at the end of the  Nightwing run, and Scott Snyder on the current Detective Comics run, but Winick just nails it.

  • Mark D. White

    Yesterday I attended the "The Role of Economists and Their 'Ethics' in the Financial Crisis" session at the Eastern Economic Association meetings in New York, which I previewed earlier. One of the presenters didn't attend, but the three remaining presentations, by Martha Starr (editor of Consequences of Economic Downturn: Beyond the Usual Economics), George DeMartino (author of The Economist's Oath: On the Need for and Content of Professional Economic Ethics), and Gerald Epstein and Jessica Carrick-Hagenbarth (University of Massachusetts-Amherst), provided much for the standing-room-only audience to discuss.

    Martha's paper, "Contributions of Economists to Housing-Price Bubbles," provided a fascinating and insightful look at how the predictions of future trends in housing prices leading up to the burst of the recent bubble depended on economists' affiliations, casting a particularly dark light on economists in the real-estate industry, who were extraordinarily bullish about housing prices after most other economists had recognized the existence of a bubble.

    George's presentation, "The Economic Crisis and the Crisis in Economics," based on both his own book and his contribution to Martha's, argued that one of the causes of the economic crisis was the implicit use by economic analysts and decision-makers of a maxi-max rule, in which only the best possible outcomes of various policy options are considered and then the best is chosen, regardless of the likelihood of those successes or the harm that would accrue if the policies were not to succeed. As if he hadn't made the point strongly enough himself, George cited philosopher Robert Nozick, who argued in Anarchy, State, and Utopia that:

    Everyone who has considered the matter agrees that the maxi-max principle… is an insufficiently prudent principle which one would be silly to use in designing institutions. Any society whose institutions are infused by such wild optimism is headed for a fall or, at any rate, the high risk of one makes the society too dangerous to choose to live in. (p. 298)

    Finally, in their presentation titled "Financial Economists, Financial Interests and Dark Corners of the Meltdown: It’s Time to set Ethical Standards for the Economics Profession," Gerald and Jessica investigated how often academic economists report their affiliations with the financial industry when giving statements and forecasts to the press, and found that around two thirds of them never report their ties to financial concerns when quoted in the media regarding matters that may influence those very concerns.

    This, of course, is one of the points that George also makes in his work, and much of the discussion after the presentations turned to how to solve the problem, especially how to institute standards, codes, or norms of ethical behavior, not just in terms of the narrower problem of transparency in affiliation, but also broader ethical concerns with respect to modeling, research, and policy recommendations. Similar to the session on the same topic at the ASSA meetings in Denver, featuring Dean Baker, David Colander, and Deirdre McCloskey alongside George, much of the attention focused on the enforceability of ethical codes in the economics profession. (See here for my summary of that session and my opinions on the issues of ethics codes and enforceability.) But there was also some interesting commentary on self-selection and the systemic nature of bias in the economic profession, which reminded me of recent discussions of widespread bias in fields like social psychology.

    Another terrific session on a critically important topic–let's all hope the efforts of Martha, George, Gerald, Jessica, as well as others such as Dean, David, and Deirdre, soon start to bear fruit…