Mark D. White

Writer, editor, teacher

  • Mark D. White

    As you may have heard, U.S. District Judge Henry E. Hudson ruled Monday that the part of the Affordable Care Act (the health care reform bill passed earlier this year) dependant on the individual mandate to purchase health insurance is unconstitutional. From his ruling (as reported by The Wall Street Journal): "At its core, this dispute is not simply about regulating the business of insurance—or crafting a scheme of universal health insurance coverage—it's about an individual's right to choose to participate."

    I'm no constitutional law scholar, so I won't try to comment on the technicalities of the decision, but as I've said here before, I don't believe the principles inherent in the Constitution allow the federal government to require someone to purchase something solely as a condition of citizenship, regardless of the rationale or purpose. As Judge Hudson said, the Constitution does not provide for the "regulation of a person's decision not to purchase a product, notwithstanding its effect on interstate commerce or role in a global regulatory scheme."

    What I will comment on is the adminstration's argument for the individual mandate, which comes to the simple economics of adverse selection, but without the necessary ethical subtext. Quoting the WSJ, "The Obama administration says that without the individual mandate, it could no longer require insurers to provide coverage to people with pre-existing conditions because that would create an unhealthy pool of consumers and drive up insurance prices for everyone."

    There are two problems with this, one conceptual and the other ethical. The conceptual problem is with providing health insurance for pre-existing conditions. Insurance covers against risk; we buy insurance (if we choose) to protect us from the financial impact of disasterous events, such as auto accidents, fire, or illness. But with pre-existing conditions, the risk has been realized, and "insurance" collapes to financial coverage. If someone has a pre-existing conditions that costs $10,000 a year to treat, there is no insuring against that: someone will have to pay that $10,000 a year. That person can buy insurance against other conditions that he or she is at risk for, but that $10,000 cost cannot be insured for–it is a certainty, and someone has to pay for it.

    So mandating coverage of pre-existing conditions amounts to shifting the burden of their cost, partially or in whole, from the person who has them to someone else, and this provides the administration's justification for the individual mandate: it will bring healthier-than-average people into the insurance pool and use their premiums to help offset the costs of pre-existing conditions. This raises the ethical aspect of the situation, which involves several contentious assumptions: 1) that the persons with the pre-existing conditions should not be held primarily responsible for the costs of them, and 2) that other persons should be. And the individual mandate brings in yet another problem: 3) that of coercing some persons into involuntary purchases in order to pay for the mandate coverage of pre-existing conditions. I'm not comfortable with any of these three assumptions, especially the last two.

    So in addition to opposing the individual mandate on grounds of economic freedom, I also disagree with the reason the administration wants it: to shift the costs of pre-existing conditions from those who are likely responsible for them to those who are definitely not. Supporters of this law are using governmental denial of individual responsibility to justify coercion, which is simply adding insult to injury.

    Let's start over, shall we?

  • Mark D. White

    In a recent op-ed piece in The Wall Street Journal, Barry C. Sheck of the Innocence Project detailed the wrongful execution in Texas of convicted murderer Claude Jones after then-Governor George W. Bush was not informed of Jones' request for a last-minute DNA test on the one piece of physical evidence tying him to his alleged murder. Only recently, after six yeatrs of litigation and a decade after the execution, the DNA test was performed, and the physical evidence–a single hair–was discovered to belong to the victim, not Mr. Jones.

    Mr. Scheck uses this harrowing story to argue in support of a bipartisan, federal bill now in the House, established a National Criminal Justice Reform Commission which would mandate improved practices to lessen the incidence of such travesties. But I do not feel that would go far enough, and neither does Thom Brooks of Newcastle University, who argues in his "Retribution and Capital Punishment," a chapter in my forthcoming edited volume Retributivism: Essays on Theory and Policy (Oxford, 2011), that the irreversibility and impossibility of post-reversal compensation provides a retributivist argument against capital punishment.

    Unlike other scholars who argue (explicitly or implicitly) that all punishment should be eliminated because of the chance of wrongful conviction, Brooks argues that it is the unique nature–the finality–of capital punishment that should trouble us. If convictions with lesser punishments are reversed, then the penalties can be wholly or partially "refunded": fines can be paid back, and time in prison could be compensated for (imperfectly, of course, but to some extent). Stigma and harm to reputation are more difficult to repair, but steps can be taken along those lines as well. But once a person is executed, obviously he or she–nor the surviving family members–can never be "made whole." This, in Brooks' opinion (and mine), should make even a hardened retributivist question the balance of justice inherent in capital punishment given even the slightest possibility of human error in the criminal justice system. Given that possibility of error, retributivists (all of whom are steadfastly against punishing the innocent, regardless of their views on punishing the guilty) should not support a punishment that cannot be even partially reversed if the conviction is later found to be faulty.

    Speaking for myself, one of those hardened retributivists, I firmly believe a murderer, absent any extenuating circumstances, deserves to be executed, but only if we know with 100% certainty that he or she is guilty. But since we can never know any person's guilt with absolute certainty, we should not impose an absolute sentence like death. (Furthermore, my libertarian nature makes me very wary to grant the state the power to execute its own citizens, but that's a different argument for a different day.)

  • Mark D. White

    Today's news about a new study showing most military personnel do not oppose open service of gays and lesbians leads to mixed feelings. On the one hand, it should speak against those who argue that open homosexuals in the military will reduce morale, especially given the reported correlation between those who have served alongside (believed) homosexuals and acceptance of repeal of DADT. If this study is of use in achieving repeal–and it very well may, if early reports of its impact are any guide–all the better.

    But at the same time, I find the study irrelevant in the more general, less political sense. As much as I respect, admire, and am grateful to our men and women in service, I don't think their opinions regarding who can or cannot serve alongside them should matter. That is the same "tyranny of the majority" that we see in calls for legislation dealing same sex marriage, wherein the majority would be granted improper influence over the essential rights of the minority (even if those rights are voted for). Homosexuals should be allowed to serve their country without hiding an important part of their identities, regardless of how active personnel, or anybody else, feel about it.

    I fear that elation over this study, as politically efficacious as it may turn out to be, may lead people to forget the real nature of the wrong to the dignity of gay and lesbians perpetuated by DADT.

  • Mark D. White

    There's a fantastic article in The Wall Street Journal today by Mark Whitehouse (!) explaining how, given the current crisis, more economists are finally starting to doubt the efficacy of mathematical modeling to predict movements in the economy. Of course, some want to build even bigger models, but others, such as Roman Frydman and Michael Goldberg, emphasize the impossibility of dependably precise and accurate forecasting, and through their "imperfect knowledge economics" recommend common-sense policy action that, rather than calculated to attain precise policy effects, is based on rules of thumb to push the economy in the right direction. (I must admit I was ignorant of this new work, not being a macro person, but I say the same things to my macro students every time I teach it, so I was very gratified to read this.)

    Of course, the greater ethical question is why spend resources forecasting the economy anyway, but I'll expand more on this later…

  • Detective Comics #871, by the new creative team of Scott Snyder and Jock, is a must-read for any Batman fan, whether skeptical or accepting of Dick as the (or a) new Batman.

    Spoilers ahead (also for Batman and Robin #17)…

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  • Mark D. White

    Today The Wall Street Journal printed my letter in response to a recent piece by Tim Wu (linked below), in which I reiterate an argument from my paper providing a Kantian critique of antitrust (from the Journal of Private Enterprise):

    A Free Market Means That It's Free for All

     

    Tim Wu, in his Nov. 13 Review commentary "In the Grip of the New Monopolists," expresses surprise that free markets would lead to monopolies rather than vigorous competition. But that would imply that the word "free" in free markets refers to a result (of textbook-style "perfect competition") rather than a process (of voluntary exchanges between buyers and sellers). Understood correctly, the free market may result in a dizzying array of outcomes, but all of them derive from an institution that respects the free choices of all participants in the market—even if those choices are in support of (transitory) monopolists such as Google or Facebook.

    (For more on transitory monopolies, see Liebowitz and Margolis' excellent book, Winners, Losers & Microsoft.)

  • GL Just want to let everyone know that Green Lantern and Philosophy: No Evil Shall Escape this Book (Wiley), edited by Jane Dryden and myself, is now available for pre-order at Amazon (through the link above and to the right).

    I'll share more details about the book as the May 2011 publication date approaches, but Jane and I are very happy with how the book turned out, and rest assured that many of your favorite GLs are covered, from the big four of Earth (and Alan Scott) to Mogo, Soranik Natu, Laira, Jack T. Chance, Sinestro, and more. (And we didn't forget G'nort, Ch'p, or Itty!)

  • After their unresolved reunion in The Road Home: Catwoman last month, I was afraid the Bruce-Selina relationship would be put on hold after his return. So I was wholly gratified to read Batman Incorporated #1 and Batman: Streets of Gotham #17 yesterday, and see Selina play a prominent role in both, alongside Bruce professionally as well as personally. (And she even showed up in Batman #704, standing up to Dick's attempted dismissal of Catgirl.)

    SPOILER ALERT:

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  • I don't know what anyone thinks, or if anyone else cares, but I found it strange that I never had anything to say on Bruce Wayne's time away (no pun intended–well, maybe a little intended). The stories that Morrison, Winick, Dini, Daniels and the rest told of Dick, Damian, and the rest of the gang while Bruce was elsewhen were generally good, and the fact that none of them ever made Dick completely comfortable in the cowl was gratifying. The Return of Bruce Wayne left me completely cold, and is best forgotten in my view (as is Final Crisis). The series of The Road Home one-shots, on the whole, were fantastic (other than the hideous Insider persona).

    But today's Batman: The Return was terrific…

    SPOILER WARNING… continue at your own bat-risk…

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